Friday, December 29, 2006

Sunday, December 17, 2006

Iran: There is still Hope, Rafsanjani won!

Today from the BBC:
Iran reformist regains influence
Iran's moderate former President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani has won election to Iran's powerful clerical body, the Assembly of Experts, results show.

With more than half the votes counted, Mr Rafsanjani, who was defeated in the 2005 presidential election, had a clear lead at the top of the list.

The election - and simultaneous local polls - was seen as a test of support for President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

Early results suggest liberals and moderates have regained some influence.

Official results have not yet been announced in either of the two elections.

Political revival

Displaying what correspondents describe as a new lease of political life, Mr Rafsanjani led the poll with 1.3 million votes as counting continued.
IRANIAN ELECTIONS
Iranians are voting in two sets of elections
Assembly of Experts poll: Powerful clerical body which supervises the Supreme Leader
Local council polls: More than 250,000 candidates for around 100,000 seats nationwide
46.5 million eligible voters


He is almost half a million votes ahead of the second placed candidate.

His main rival, Ayatollah Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi - seen as a political mentor to President Ahmadinejad - is trailing in sixth place, but with enough votes to retain a seat on the Assembly of Experts.

Mr Rafsanjani's strong performance has exceeded his supporters' expectations after his humiliating defeat in 2005, the BBC's Sadeq Saba in Tehran says.

The assembly of 86 theologians supervises the activities of Iran's supreme leader and chooses his successor when he dies.

Mr Rafsanjani's success was helped by an unexpectedly high turnout and by a new alliance between him and the reformists, our correspondent says.
Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/middle_east/6188207.stm

Published: 2006/12/17 18:17:44 GMT

Sunday, December 10, 2006

I am reading a book about Abu Nidal




Abu Nidal in 1976 in a photograph released by the Israeli Defense Forces, one of only a handful of photographs of him known to exist.
Abu Nidal was born in May 1937 in the port of Jaffa, now part of Tel Aviv.
I live there now!
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abu_Nidal
I am reading a thriller called Bullets of Palestine. A "Historical Fiction" book.
Howard Kaplan's BULLETS OF PALESTINE (Gold Eagle/Worldwide, Paper, $3.95) takes a look at the complexities of the Palestine problem. Mr. Kaplan brings together a former Palestinian terrorist and an Israeli agent, who unite in a common cause. Their aim is to eliminate the well-known terrorist Abu Nidal. Trying to play fair, the author gives both sides of the case. Israeli intelligence is here as ruthless as Arab terrorism. But neither of the main characters is believable.
Abu Nidal From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Abu Nidal in 1976 in a photograph released by the Israeli Defense Forces, one of only a handful of photographs of him known to exist.Abu Nidal (Arabic: أبو نضال; May 1937[1]–August 16, 2002) — born Sabri Khalil al-Banna [2] (Arabic: صبري خليل البنا), also known as Amin al-Sirr and Sabri Khalil Abd Al Qadir — was a Palestinian political leader and the founder of Fatah — the Revolutionary Council (Fatah al-Majles al-Thawry), more commonly known as the Abu Nidal Organization (ANO). [3] At the height of his power in the 1970s and 1980s, Abu Nidal, or "father of the struggle," [4] was regarded as the world's most ruthless terrorist leader. [5] In a rare interview with Der Spiegel in 1985, he said: "I am the evil spirit of the secret services. I am the evil spirit which moves around only at night causing them nightmares." [6]

Part of the secular, left-wing Palestinian rejectionist front, so called because they reject proposals for a peaceful settlement with Israel, the ANO was formed after a split in 1974 between Abu Nidal and Yasser Arafat's Fatah faction within the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Setting himself up as a freelance contractor, Abu Nidal was based over the years in Iraq, Syria, Libya, and Egypt, and is believed to have been responsible for ordering attacks in 20 countries, killing or injuring over 900 people. [7]

The ANO's most notorious attacks were on the El Al ticket counters at Rome and Vienna airports on December 27, 1985, when Arab gunmen doped on amphetamines opened fire on passengers in simultaneous shootings, killing 18 and wounding 120. Patrick Seale, Abu Nidal's biographer, wrote of the attacks that their "random cruelty marked them as typical Abu Nidal operations." [8] The group is not known to have been active since 1991, when an ANO gunman assassinated Abu Iyad, the deputy chief of the PLO.

Abu Nidal died of between one and four gunshot wounds in Baghdad in August 2002, believed by Palestinian sources to have been killed on the orders of Saddam Hussein, [9] but said by the Iraqi government to have committed suicide. [10] The Guardian wrote on the news of his death: "He was the patriot turned psychopath. He served only ... the warped personal drives that pushed him into hideous crime. He was the ultimate mercenary." [11]

Contents [hide]
1 Early life
1.1 War
2 Political life
2.1 The split from the PLO
2.2 First operation
3 The ANO
4 Banking with BCCI
5 Death
6 Notes
7 References
8 Further reading



[edit] Early life

Abu Nidal was born in the port of Jaffa.Abu Nidal was born in May 1937 in the port of Jaffa, now part of Tel Aviv, on the Mediterranean coast of what was then the British Mandate of Palestine. His father, Hajj Khalil al-Banna, was a wealthy merchant who made his money from the 6,000 acres (24 km²) of orange groves he owned, which extended from the south of Jaffa to Majdal, today Ashkelon in Israel. He raised his large family in luxury in a three-storey stone house with a large porch overlooking the beach, now used as an Israeli military court. [12]

According to Abu Nidal's brother, Muhammad Khalil al-Banna, their father was the richest man in Palestine. He told journalist Yossi Melman:

[My father] marketed about ten percent of all the citrus crops sent from Palestine to Europe — especially to England and Germany. He owned a summer house in Marseilles, France, and another house in Iskenderun, then in Syria and afterwards Turkey, and a number of houses in Palestine itself. Most of the time we lived in Jaffa. Our house had about twenty rooms, and we children would go down to swim in the sea. We also had stables with Arabian horses, and one of our homes in Ashkelon even had a large swimming pool. I think we must have been the only family in Palestine with a private swimming pool. [13]

Al-Banna told Melman that the family also owned orchards in Majdal, Yavneh, Abu Kabir, and near the village of Tirah. The Ramat Hakovesh kibbutz contains a tract of land to this day called "the al-Banna orchard," he said. "Of course this used to belong to us. My brothers and I still preserve the documents showing our ownership of the property, even though we know full well that we and our children have no chance of getting it back. [13]

Khalil's money meant he could afford to take several wives, and according to Melman, he had 13 wives, who gave birth to 16 sons and eight daughters. Abu Nidal's mother was the second wife, according to Abu Nidal's British biographer Patrick Seale, and the eighth, according to Melman. [12] She had been one of the family's maids, a young Alawite girl just 16 years old when Khalil married her against the wishes of his family. She gave birth to Sabri, Khalil's 12th child. Because the family disapproved of the marriage, Abu Nidal was allegedly scorned from an early age by his older half-brothers and half-sisters.

Khalil sent him to Collège des Frères, a French Roman Catholic mission school in the Old Jaffa quarter, the records of which show he completed the first grade, according to the school keeper, although the school administration refuses to allow journalists to view them. [13] However, when Khalil died in 1945, when Abu Nidal was seven years old, the family turned his mother out of the house. The older brothers, more devout Muslims than the father had been, took Abu Nidal out of the mission school and enrolled him in a Muslim school in Jerusalem, now known as al-Umaria, at the time one of the most prestigious private schools in the country. He attended the school for about two years. [14]

Seale suggests that Abu Nidal's unhappy childhood, and the early loss of both his father and mother, explains his difficult personality, described by journalists as psychopathic and paranoid, and as "chaotic" by Abu Iyad, the late deputy chief of Fatah. Issam Sartawi, the late Palestinian heart surgeon, called him a psychopath [6] whose mental world was one of plots and counterplots, [15] which was later reflected in his tyrannical leadership of the ANO, trusting no one, and at one point suspecting even his own wife of working for the CIA. [16]


[edit] War

Abu Nidal's family had good relations with the Jewish community and used to visit Chaim Weizmann, later the first president of Israel, at his home in Rehovot. [14]When the Arabs rejected the November 29, 1947 United Nations partition plan — which aimed to partition Palestine into two states, one Jewish, one Arab — war broke out between the Palestinian-Arab and Jewish militias, and Jaffa found itself under siege. Life became unbearable, according to Melman, and the disruption of the citrus fruit business hit the family's income. Booby-trapped cars were exploding in the center of Jaffa and there were food shortages. The al-Banna family had had good relations with the Jewish community. Abu Nidal's brother told Melman: "My father was a close friend of Avraham Shapira, one of the founders of Hashomer, the Jewish self-defense organization. He would visit [Shapira] in his home in Petah Tikva, or Shapira riding his horse would visit our home in Jaffa. I also remember how we visited Dr. Weizmann [who became the first president of Israel] in his home in Rehovot." [14] It was war, however, and the relationships didn't help them.

The family fled Jaffa and moved into their house near Majdal, intending to be away from Jaffa for only a few days, but the Jewish militias arrived in Majdal too, and they had to flee again. This time they ended up in the al-Burj refugee camp in Gaza, then under the control of Egypt. There the family spent nine months living in tents, dependent on UNRWA for their weekly allowance of oil, rice, and potatoes. The experience had a powerful effect on Abu Nidal, who was used to wealth and servants, but who now found himself living in abject poverty. [17]

The family's skill in commerce, and the small amount of money they had managed to take with them, meant they were able to set themselves up in business again as merchants, although the orange groves had gone, now part of the new State of Israel, which had declared its independence on May 14, 1948. They decided to move to Nablus in the West Bank, then ruled by Jordan, where Abu Nidal spent his teenage years. He completed elementary school and graduated from high school in 1955. Melman writes that he loved reading, particularly adventure stories, and was regarded as studious, although not particularly bright. [18] Seale writes that his education was elementary and his childish handwriting a source of great embarrassment to him throughout his life. He applied to study engineering at Cairo University, but returned to Nablus after two years without a degree, although he would later describe himself as having one, part of his constant embellishment of his past, according to Melman. [18]

He joined the Arab nationalist Ba'ath party when he was 18, but King Hussein of Jordan closed the party down in 1957. Abu Nidal made his way to Saudi Arabia, where in 1960 he set himself up as a painter and electrician in Riyadh, according to Seale, or Jedda, according to Melman, and later went on to work as a casual laborer for Aramco. [19]

Abu Nidal remained very close to his mother and returned to Nablus from Saudi Arabia every year to visit her. During one of those visits in 1962, he met his future wife, Hiyam al-Bitar, whose family had also fled from Jaffa. They had a son, Nidal, and two daughters, Bisan and Na'ifa. Decades later, in the 1980s, he boasted that his daughter Bisan had no idea he was Abu Nidal. [6]


[edit] Political life
In Saudi Arabia, he helped found a small group of young Palestinians who called themselves the Palestine Secret Organization. His political activism and vocal denunciation of Israel drew the attention of his employer, Aramco, which fired him, and then the Saudi government, which imprisoned, tortured, and expelled him as an unwelcome radical. [19] He returned to Nablus with his wife and young family, and it was around this time that he joined Yasser Arafat's Fatah faction of the PLO, although the exact timing and circumstances are unknown. [20] He worked as an odd-job man until June 1967, committed to Palestinian politics but not particularly active, until Israel won the 1967 Six Day War, capturing the Golan Heights, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip. The sight of Israeli tanks rolling into Nablus, after he had already been forced to flee from Jaffa because of the war, and from Saudi Arabia because of his activism, was a traumatic and pivotal experience for him, according to Melman, and his passive involvement in Palestinian politics was transformed into a deadly hatred of Israel.

He moved to Amman, Jordan, setting up a trading company called Impex, and joining the Fatah underground, where he was asked to choose a nom de guerre. He chose Abu Nidal, in part after his son, Nidal, a custom in the Arab world, but also because the name means "father of the struggle." [4] He was described by those who knew him at the time as a tidy, well-organized leader, not a guerrilla; during skirmishes in Jordan between the fedayeen and King Hussein's troops, he stayed indoors, according to Seale, never leaving his office.

Impex soon became a front for Fatah activities, serving as a meeting place for members and as a conduit for funds with which to pay them. This was to become a hallmark of Abu Nidal's business career. Companies controlled by the ANO served to make him a rich man by engaging in legitimate business deals, while at the same time acting as a cover for his political violence and his multi-million-dollar arms deals, mercenary activities, and protection rackets.

Seeing his talent for organization, Abu Iyad appointed him in 1968 as the Fatah representative in Khartoum, Sudan, then to the same position in Baghdad in July 1970, just two months before Black September, when King Hussein's army drove the fedayeen out of Jordan, with the loss of between 5,000 and 10,000 Palestinian lives in just ten days. Abu Nidal's absence from Jordan during this period, where it was clear that Hussein might be about to act against the Palestinians, raised the suspicion within the movement that his requests for posts to Sudan and Iraq had been intended only to save his own skin.


[edit] The split from the PLO
Just before the PLO expulsion from Jordan, and during the three years that followed it, several radical Palestinian and other Arab factions split from the PLO and began to launch their own military or terrorist attacks against Israeli military and civilian targets, as well as civilian targets overseas. These included George Habash's PFLP, DFLP, Arab Liberation Front, as-Sa'iqa, Palestine Liberation Front, at that time headed by Ahmed Jibril who went on to set up the radical PFLP-GC, and Black September, a group of radical fedayeen associated with Arafat's Fatah, who carried out operations using Black September as a cover.

Shortly after King Hussein expelled the fedayeen, Abu Nidal began broadcasting criticism of the PLO over Voice of Palestine, the PLO's own radio station in Iraq, accusing them of cowardice for having agreed to a ceasefire with Hussein, and during Fatah's Third Congress in Damascus in 1971, Abu Nidal emerged as the leader of a leftist alliance against Arafat. Together with Abu Daoud (one of Fatah's most ruthless commanders, who was later involved in the 1972 Black September kidnapping and killing of 11 Israeli athletes at the Olympic Village in Munich) and Palestinian intellectual Naji Allush, Abu Nidal called for Arafat to be overthrown as an enemy of the Palestinian people, and demanded more democracy within Fatah, as well as violent revenge against King Hussein. Seale writes that it was the last Fatah congress Abu Nidal would attend, but he had made his mark.


[edit] First operation
Main article: List of attacks attributed to Abu Nidal
Abu Nidal's first operation took place on September 5, 1973, when five gunmen, using the name Al-Iqab (The Punishment), seized the Saudi embassy in Paris, taking 11 hostages and threatening to blow up the building if Abu Dawud was not released from jail in Jordan, where he had been arrested in February 1973 for an attempt on the King's life. [21] After a three-day siege and the intervention of the PLO, the gunmen surrendered, though not before the Kuwaiti government had agreed to pay King Hussein $12 million in exchange for Abu Dawud, according to an interview the latter gave to Patrick Seale (Seale 1992).

Although the media blamed the attack on Black September, a Fatah front, Melman writes that Abu Nidal had carried out the operation without the permission of Abu Iyad, Arafat's deputy, who acted as the liaison between Fatah and Black September. Far from having given it the go-ahead, Abu Iyad and Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen, now president of the Palestinian National Authority) flew to Iraq to reason with Abu Nidal that operations such as these harmed the movement, Abu Iyad later condemning it as "illogical adventurism." [21] According to Seale, the Iraqi government made it clear that the idea for the operation had been theirs. Abu Iyad told Seale than an Iraqi official at the meeting said: "Why are you attacking Abu Nidal? The operation was ours! We asked him to mount it for us." [22] Abbas was so angry, writes Seale, that he stormed out of the meeting, followed by the other PLO delegates, and from that point on, the PLO regarded Abu Nidal as a mercenary. [22]

Two months later, just after the October 1973 Yom Kippur War, during discussions about convening a peace conference in Geneva, the ANO hijacked a KLM airliner, using the name the Arab Nationalist Youth Organization. The operation was intended to send a signal to Fatah not to send representatives to any peace conference. In response, Arafat expelled Abu Nidal from Fatah in March 1974, and the rift between the two groups, and the two men, was complete. [23]


[edit] The ANO

Abu Nidal in the early 1980sBy all accounts, the ANO reflected Abu Nidal's paranoid and possibly psychopathic personality, more of a mercenary group than one guided by political principle, and ready and willing to act on behalf of diverse interests. [24]

Abu Nidal originally chose the name Black June for the group, in order to mark his disapproval of the 1976 Syrian intervention in Lebanon in support of the Christians, but changed it to Fatah-Revolutionary Council when he switched bases from Iraq to Syria in 1981.

As'ad Abu Khalil writes in the Encyclopedia of the Palestinians that the group was based on terror and intimidation, with members not being allowed to leave once recruited, and everyone living under suspicion of being a double agent. The ANO's official newspaper Filastin al-Thawra regularly carried stories announcing the execution of traitors within the movement. [25] According to The Sunday Times, Abu Nidal even came to believe that his own wife worked for the CIA. [16]

Each new recruit was given several days to write out his entire life story by hand, including names and addresses of family members, friends, and lovers, then was required to sign a paper saying he agreed to be executed if anything was found to be untrue. Every so often, the recruit would be asked to rewrite the whole thing; any discrepancies were taken as evidence that he was a spy, probably for Israel or Arafat, and he would be asked to write it out again, often after days of being beaten and nights spent forced to sleep standing up.

By 1987, Abu Nidal had turned the full force of his terror tactics inwards on the ANO itself. Members were tortured until they confessed to betrayal and disloyalty. According to recruits who were able to escape, victims were buried alive, fed through a tube forced into their mouths, then finally killed by a bullet fired down the tube. Some had their genitals placed in skillets of boiling-hot oil. [26]

There were several mass purges. During one night in November 1987, 170 members were tied up, blindfolded, machine-gunned, and buried in a mass grave. Another 160 met the same fate in Libya shortly afterwards.


[edit] Banking with BCCI
In the late 80s, Britain's MI5 and MI6 discovered that the ANO held several accounts with the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI).

The bank was raided in July 1991 in seven countries on the instruction of regulators, including the Bank of England, mostly because of massive fraud, but also because of its willingness to open accounts for dubious customers. Before the closure, the Bank of England had asked financial consultants Price Waterhouse to conduct an investigation, and on June 24, 1991, the company submitted their Sandstorm report showing that the bank had engaged in "widespread fraud and manipulation," and that it had allowed organizations regarded as terrorist groups, including the ANO, to set up accounts in London. Parts of the Sandstorm report showed that MI5 had a source inside the Sloane Street branch of the bank, where the Abu Nidal accounts were held. The source was Ghassan Qassem, the Syrian-born manager of the branch, who later told reporters that Abu Nidal himself had visited London several times, using the name Shakar Farhan, although it was not known at the time that it was Abu Nidal. [27] Qassem was expected to drive Farhan around London's most expensive stores, including Selfridges, a tailor's on Oxford Street, and a cigar store on Jermyn Street. [27]

When Lord Bingham completed his 1992 public inquiry into the closure of BCCI, he wrote a secret Appendix 8 based on intelligence reports that showed MI5 had learned in 1987 [28] that Abu Nidal had been using a company called SAS Trade and Investment in Warsaw as a cover for FRC business deals, with the company director, Samir Najmeddin, based in Baghdad. All SAS's deals went through BCCI in Sloane Street, and consisted largely of selling guns, night-vision goggles, and armored Mercedes-Benz cars with concealed grenade launchers, each deal often worth tens of millions of dollars, the finance consisting of misleading letters of credit arranged by the Sloane Street branch of BCCI. [29] Bank records showed ANO arms transactions with many Middle Eastern countries as well as with East Germany. There was no shortage of European and American clients willing to sell equipment, including British companies, one of which unwittingly sold the ANO riot guns it believed were intended for an African state, though documents show half the shipment went to East Germany and half was kept by Abu Nidal. [29] — the first U.S. military strikes from Britain since World War II — against Tripoli and Benghazi, killing dozens, including Hanna Gaddafi, a baby girl Gaddafi and his wife had adopted, in retaliation for the bombing 10 days earlier of a Berlin nightclub used by U.S. soldiers. [30]

According to Atef Abu Bakr, a former senior member of the ANO, Gaddafi asked Abu Nidal to coordinate, together with the head of Libyan intelligence, Abdullah al-Senussi, a series of revenge attacks against the United States and Britain. Abu Nidal first arranged for two Britons and an American to be kidnapped in Lebanon: the hostages were later killed. He then allegedly suggested to Senussi that an aircraft be hijacked or blown up. On September 5, 1986, an ANO team hijacked Pan Am Flight 73 in Karachi, killing 22 passengers and wounding dozens of others. In August 1987, Abu Nidal tried again, this time using an unwitting bomb mule to carry a bomb on board a flight from Belgrade, airline unknown, but the bomb failed to explode.

Allegedly angered by this failure, according to Atef Abu Bakr, Senussi told Abu Nidal to supply a bomb and Libyan intelligence would arrange for it to be placed on a flight. The flight that was chosen, according to Abu Bakr, was Pan Am Flight 103, the scheduled Pan Am service between Frankfurt and New York via London. On December 21, 1988, it exploded over Lockerbie, Scotland, when a bomb was detonated in its forward cargo hold, killing all 259 passengers and crew, and 11 people in Lockerbie. On January 31, 2001, a Scottish court convicted Abdelbaset Ali Mohmed Al Megrahi, the former head of security for Libyan Arab Airlines, for his role in the attack. The allegations of an Abu Nidal link to the bombing had not been made by the time of the trial and remain unconfirmed. (See Alternative theories into the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103).


[edit] Death
Abu Nidal is known to have entered Iraq in 1999 after being expelled from Libya by Gaddafi, who was distancing himself from terrorism in an effort to re-establish diplomatic relations with the U.S. and UK after Lockerbie. The Iraqi government later said Abu Nidal had entered the country using a fake Yemeni passport and was not there with their knowledge, but by 2001, at the latest, he was living there openly, in defiance of the Jordanian government, whose state-security court had sentenced him to death by hanging in absentia in 2001 for his role in the 1994 assassination of a Jordanian diplomat in Beirut.

On August 19, 2002, al-Ayyam, the official newspaper of the Palestinian Authority, reported that Abu Nidal had died three days earlier of multiple gunshot wounds in his home in the wealthy al-Masbah neighborhood of al-Jadriyah, Baghdad, where the villa he lived in was owned by the Mukhabarat, or Iraqi secret service. [16]

Iraq's chief of intelligence, Taher Jalil Habbush, held a press conference on August 21, 2002, at which he handed out photographs of Abu Nidal's bloodied body, along with a medical report purportedly showing he had died after a single bullet had entered his mouth and exited his skull. Habbush said that Iraq's internal security force had arrived at Abu Nidal's house to arrest him on suspicion of conspiring with the Kuwaiti and Saudi governments to bring down Saddam Hussein. Saying he needed a change of clothes, Abu Nidal went into his bedroom and shot himself in the mouth, Habbush said. He died eight hours later in intensive care. [31] He is known to have been suffering from leukemia.

Other sources disagree about the cause of death. Palestinian sources told journalists that Abu Nidal had in fact died of multiple gunshot wounds. Marie Colvin and Sonya Murad, writing in The Sunday Times, say that he was assassinated by a hit squad of 30 men from Office 8, the Iraqi Mukhabarat assassination unit. [16] Jane's reported that Iraqi intelligence had been following him for several months and had found classified documents in his home about a U.S. attack on Iraq. When they arrived to raid his house on August 14 (not August 16, according to Jane's), fighting broke out between Abu Nidal's men and Iraqi intelligence. In the midst of this, Abu Nidal rushed into his bedroom and was killed, though Jane's writes it remains unclear whether he killed himself or was killed by someone else. Jane's sources insist that his body bore several gunshot wounds. Jane's further suggests that Saddam Hussein may have ordered him arrested and killed because he regarded Abu Nidal as a mercenary who would have acted against him in the event of an American invasion, if the money had been right. [32]


[edit] Notes
^ The Guardian has written that he was born in 1939; The Times says 1940; the Truman Institute of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem says 1934. Dr. Issam Sartawi told Yossi Melman it was 1936. Melman concludes it was 1937.
^ According to Yossi Melman, there is some disagreement about his name. The Daily Telegraph has written that he was Hasan Sabri al-Banna; the Middle East International has said he was Muhammad Sabri al-Banna. According to Stewart Steven, who has written about the Mossad, he was Sabri Khalil al-Banna or Mazan Sabri al-Banna. The name Khalil comes from his father; it is an Arab tradition that the father's name be added to the son's. Al-Banna means "the builder." (Melman, Yossi. The Master Terrorist: The True Story Behind Abu Nidal, Mama Books, 1986, p. 44-45.)
^ The organization used different names for attacks on different countries. It called itself Fatah — the Revolutionary Council; the Palestinian National Liberation Movement; Black June; Black September; The Revolutionary Arab Brigades; The Revolutionary Organization of Socialist Muslims; The Egyptian Revolution; Revolutionary Egypt; Al-Asifa (The Storm), a name also used by Fatah; Al-Iqab (The Punishment); and The Arab Nationalist Youth Organization. It is most commonly referred to as the Abu Nidal Organization or Abu Nidal group. (Melman, Yossi 1986, p. 213.)
^ a b Melman, Yossi. The Master Terrorist: The True Story Behind Abu Nidal, Mama Books, 1986, p. 53.
^ Melman, Yossi. The Master Terrorist: The True Story Behind Abu Nidal, Mama Books, 1986, p. 4.
^ a b c Melman, Yossi. The Master Terrorist: The True Story Behind Abu Nidal, Mama Books, 1986, p. 3.
^ "Abu Nidal Organization", Country Reports on Terrorism, 2004. United States Department of State, 2005.
^ Seale, Patrick. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire. Hutchinson, 1992, p. 243.
^ Whitaker, Brian. "Mystery of Abu Nidal's death deepens", The Guardian, August 22, 2002.
^ "Abu Nidal 'found dead'", BBC News, August 19, 2002.
^ Hirst, David. "Abu Nidal", The Guardian, August 20, 2002.
^ a b Melman, Yossi. The Master Terrorist: The True Story Behind Abu Nidal, Mama Books, 1986, p. 46.
^ a b c Melman, Yossi. The Master Terrorist: The True Story Behind Abu Nidal, Mama Books, 1986, p. 47.
^ a b c Melman, Yossi. The Master Terrorist: The True Story Behind Abu Nidal, Mama Books, 1986, p. 48.
^ Melman, Yossi. The Master Terrorist: The True Story Behind Abu Nidal, Mama Books, 1986, p. 52.
^ a b c d Colvin, Marie & Murad, Sonya. "Executed", The Sunday Times, August 25, 2002.
^ Melman, Yossi. The Master Terrorist: The True Story Behind Abu Nidal, Mama Books, 1986, p. 49.
^ a b Melman, Yossi. The Master Terrorist: The True Story Behind Abu Nidal, Mama Books, 1986, p. 50.
^ a b Hudson, Rex A. "The Sociology and Psychology of Terrorism: Who Becomes a Terrorist and Why?", Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, September 1999.
^ Melman, Yossi. The Master Terrorist: The True Story Behind Abu Nidal, Mama Books, 1986, p. 51.
^ a b Melman, Yossi. The Master Terrorist: The True Story Behind Abu Nidal, Mama Books, 1986, p. 69.
^ a b Seale, Patrick. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire. Hutchinson 1992, p. 92.
^ Melman, Yossi. The Master Terrorist: The True Story Behind Abu Nidal, Mama Books, 1986, p. 70.
^ Dobson and Payne 1986.
^ Abu Khalil, As'ad. "Biography Of Abu Nidal — Sabri al-Bana", November 12, 2000.
^ Clarridge, Duane. A Spy for all Seasons: My Life in the CIA. Scribner, 1997, cited in Ledeen, Michael. "Dead Terrorist in Baghdad", National Review online, August 20, 2002.
^ a b Adams, James, & Frantz, Douglas. A Full Service Bank. Simon and Schuster, 1992, p. 90.
^ Adams, James, & Frantz, Douglas. A Full Service Bank. Simon and Schuster, 1992, p. 135; and The Observer, January 18, 2004).
^ a b Adams, James, & Frantz, Douglas. A Full Service Bank. Simon and Schuster, 1992, pp.89-91, 136.
^ Malinarich, Natalie. "The Berlin Disco Bombing", BBC News, November 13, 2001.
^ "Iraq details terror leader's death", CNN, August 21, 2002.
^ Najib, Mohammed. "Abu Nidal murder trail leads directly to Iraqi regime", Jane's Information Group, August 23, 2002.

[edit] References
Abadi, Jacob. "Pragmatism and Rhetoric in Libya's Policy Toward Israel", Journal of Conflict Studies, Volume XX Number 1, Fall 2000.
Abu Khalil, As'ad. "Biography of Abu Nidal — Sabri al-Bana", Encyclopedia of the Palestinians, November 12, 2000.
Adams, James, and Frantz, Douglas. A Full Service Bank. Simon and Schuster, 1992.
Clarridge, Duane. A Spy for all Seasons: My Life in the CIA. Scribner, 1997. ISBN 0-684-80068-3
Colvin, Marie & Murad, Sonya. "Executed", The Sunday Times, August 25, 2002.
Dobson, Christopher, and Payne, Ronald. The Terrorists: Their Weapons, Leaders and Tactics. Facts on File, 1979.
Dobson, Christopher, and Payne, Ronald. War Without End. Harrap, 1986.
Hirst, David. "Abu Nidal", The Guardian, August 20, 2002.
Hudson, Rex A. "The Sociology and Psychology of Terrorism: Who Becomes a Terrorist and Why?", Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, September 1999.
Karmon, Ely. "Terrorist links of the Iraqi regime", Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Policywatch no. 652, August 29, 2002.
Ledeen, Michael. "Dead Terrorist in Baghdad", National Review online, August 20, 2002.
Malinarich, Natalie. "The Berlin Disco Bombing", BBC News, November 13, 2001.
Melman, Yossi. The Master Terrorist: The True Story Behind Abu Nidal, Mama Books, 1986.
Najib, Mohammed. "Abu Nidal murder trail leads directly to Iraqi regime", Jane's Information Group, August 23, 2002.
Pipes, Daniel. "Abu Nidal: A Gun For Hire", Wall Street Journal, February 18, 1992.
Seale, Patrick. Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire. Hutchinson, 1992.
Walsh, Conal. "What spooks told Old Lady about BCCI," The Observer, January 18, 2004. (This article has been removed from The Observer's website.)
Whitaker, Brian. "Mystery of Abu Nidal's death deepens", The Guardian, August 22, 2002.
"Abu Nidal Organization", Country Reports on Terrorism, 2004. United States Department of State, 2005.
Abu Nidal Organization, FAS Intelligence Resource Program.
"ANO Abu Nidal Organisation", Libyen-News, undated.
"Gunmen kill 16 at two European airports", BBC News, December 27, 1985; includes videotaped interview with one of the gunmen.
"U.S. welcomes news of Abu Nidal's death", CNN, August 19, 2002.
"Abu Nidal 'found dead'" BBC News, August 19, 2002.
"Iraq details terror leader's death", CNN, August 21, 2002
"Operation El Dorado Canyon", GlobalSecurity.org
"US launches air strikes on Libya", BBC News, April 15, 1986.

[edit] Further reading
Miller, Aaron David. "Sabri Khalil al-Banna" in Reich, Bernard. (ed.) Political Leaders of the Contemporary Middle East and North Africa: A Biographical Dictionary. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1990.
Steinberg, Matti. "The Radical Worldview of the Abu Nidal Faction." Jerusalem Quarterly 48 (Fall 1988): 88–104.
Yallop, David. To the Ends of the Earth. Random House, UK, 1993.
Abu Nidal Background Q&A, Council on Foreign Relations.
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abu_Nidal"
Categories: 1937 births | 2002 deaths | Deaths by firearm | Palestinian militants | Pan Am Flight 103 | Terrorists

Saturday, December 02, 2006

A Interesting Blog and lots of News

http://story-of-israel.blogspot.com/
News:

Mubarak: Rallies may turn Lebanon into 'battlefield'
Hezbollah supporters camp at site of anti-government Beirut rally; attendance estimated at 800,000. 17:02

Triple trouble
How will George Bush strengthen Iraq's Al-Maliki, Lebanon's Siniora and Abbas?

Back on track
With his speech this week, Olmert is rebuilding his hapless and helpless image.


UN passes 6 resolutions backing Palestinian right to statehood
General Assembly calls on Israel to withdraw from W. Bank, Golan; Israeli law in Jerusalem declared void. 18:09

Sunday, October 22, 2006

Adva and Lieberman

I was at Adva Conference on Budgets and Gender
with MK Shelly Yachimovitz.
Lieberman wants to join Government:
Israel Beiteinu Party Chairman Avigdor Lieberman announced that his party would make a decision on joining the coalition by the end of the week.

Thursday, October 19, 2006

Spin and Anti Spin



I am tired of the Spins. Is Liberman joining the Government or is it true Peretz wants Meretz and Aguda instead??
Look at Todays Photos. On Lebanese Border a Month Before The War.
Paul And Andri Below my new home in Jaffa.

Tuesday, October 10, 2006

Will Ulmert listen to Beilin?

Beilin says to Ulmert, Listen to Assad. (on BBC)
ח"כ ביילין: על אולמרט להאזין לקריאותיו של אסד


10/10/2006


יושב ראש מרצ-יחד, יוסי ביילין, קרא לראש הממשלה, אהוד אולמרט, להאזין לקריאותיו החוזרות של נשיא סוריה, בשאר אסד, למשא ומתן בין ישראל לסוריה. אסד העניק הערב ראיון לרשת הטלוויזיה הבריטית BBC בו אמר כי הוא מוכן לנהל מו"מ עם ישראל וכי הוא מציע יחסי שכנות טובה איתה לעת שלום.



ביילין קרא לאולמרט "לא להיות ראש הממשלה הראשון שדוחה על הסף נכונות של מדינה שכנה לשלום ולא לקחת על עצמו את האחריות הביטחונית וההיסטורית הנובעת מכך".

Friday, October 06, 2006

33 years after Yom Kippur War.

Did the Army Inteligence know?!

שנה אחרי המלחמה: לאמ"ן היה מידע
יום שישי, 6 באוקטובר 2006, 6:52 מאת: אמיר אורן, הארץ


יחידת מודיעין קלטה ידיעה התרעתית חשובה שהוזנחה (ארכיון: בוצ'צ'ו)
ספר של בכיר אמ"ן דאז אריה שלו חושף: ידענו על היערכות מצרים למלחמת יום כיפור והיא לא טופלה כראוי. שלו: זה יכול לקרות שוב

יחידת איסוף של אמ"ן, שנמצאה בבסיס מרוחק, קלטה ב-4 באוקטובר 1973 ידיעה בעלת משמעות התרעתית ראשונה במעלה, בדבר הכנה דחופה של חדר המלחמה של הנשיא אנואר סאדאת, אך הידיעה הוזנחה והועברה לראש אמ"ן ולקציני המחקר רק בינואר 1974, 3 חודשים לאחר פרוץ מלחמת יום הכיפורים. "יש להניח שאילו הגיעה הידיעה למחלקת המחקר לפני פרוץ המלחמה, שעה שכבר נדלקו במודיעין אורות אדומים, היא היתה מכריעה את הכף בכיוון של התרעה למלחמה".

גילוי זה מופיע בספר הרואה אור הבוקר, יום השנה ה-33 למלחמה: "כישלון והצלחה בהתרעה", מאת תא"ל במילואים אריה שלו, שהיה עוזר ראש אמ"ן למחקר במלחמה וב-6 השנים שקדמו לה.
לדברי שלו, בתחילת 74' נערכה בדיקה פנימית במחלקת איסוף באמ"ן, כיצד לא הובנה ביחידת ההאזנה 848 (כיום 8200), משמעות הידיעה, ולא הופצה לגורמי המחקר.לדעתו, תקלות כאלה עדיין "עלולות לקרות, בעיקר במקומות שלא מוצב בהם קצין ב"ר -בינה רשתית, כלומר, בעל הבנה לחומר הנקלט ולרשתות שבהן הוא מועבר.

בספר, בהוצאת מרכז יפה למחקרים אסטרטגיים ו"מערכות", מכה שלו על חטאי אמ"ן/מחקר ומנסה לנתח היכן טעו הוא וקציניו. מאידך, שלו גם חולק על מקצת קביעותיה של ועדת אגרנט ובהן הטלת האחריות לטעות ההערכה - עליו ועל ראש אמ"ן, האלוף אלי זעירא. הם אכן נכשלו, מודה שלו, במתן התרעה על כוונותיו של נשיא מצרים אנואר סאדאת לצאת ב-6 באוקטובר למלחמה יזומה ומשותפת עם סוריה נגד ישראל, אך הצליחו במתן התרעה על מוכנות צבאות אלה, במערך התקפי, לצאת למלחמה.
דיין שקע בקריאת עיתונים


דיין. היה קצר רוח ומיהר לשקוע בעיתוני הערב (ערוץ 10)

סאדאת. אמ"ן טעו כשהעריכו שהוא "רפה ואפרורי" (רויטרס)
מאז ה-3 באוקטובר, כאשר שלו (כממלא מקומו של זעירא החולה) אמר לשרים ולרמטכ"ל דוד אלעזר כי מצרים וסוריה מסוגלות לצאת למלחמה (אך סייג את הערכתו בדעה כי לא יעשו כן) - נשאו באחריות לטעות הדרג הפיקודי בצה"ל ובראשו הרמטכ"ל דוד אלעזר והדרג המדיני, ובראשו שר הביטחון משה דיין וראש הממשלה גולדה מאיר. שלו מספר כי בדיון גורלי זה, הראשון בממשלה שאליו זומן בכל שנותיו באמ"ן, היו המשתתפים קצרי-רוח וסימנו לו להזדרז לאחר דקות מעטות. כשהוכנסו לדיין עיתוני הערב, שקע בקריאתם.

דרגים אלה שמעל לאמ"ן נכשלו בהערכת יחסי הכוחות בין צה"ל לשני הצבאות הערביים ובאמונתם שדי בכוח הסדיר לבלימת כל התקפה; גיוס המילואים נועד רק להתקפת-הנגד שלאחר הבלימה ולהעברת המלחמה לשטח האויב. אמ"ן היה שותף לשאננות, בכך שלא הסתפק בהערכת יכולת האויב וכוונותיו, אלא שיקלל בהערכתו גם את כוחו של צה"ל והגיע למסקנה שטעות בהערכת פעולותיהן של מצרים וסוריה לא תהיה הרת-אסון.

הכישלון העיקרי היה מדיני, לא צבאי: לא העריכו נכונה כיצד תנהג מצרים בהגיעה למבוי סתום. שלו, שנחשב לאבי הביטוי "סבירות נמוכה" בהקשר של הפתעת יום הכיפורים, כותב כי בעדותו בפני ועדת אגרנט התבקש לפרט למה התכוון בביטוי זה, ואמר, "פחות מ-50 אחוזים". הביטוי "סבירות נמוכה" הופיע לראשונה בהערכה זהירה ומסוייגת של אמ"ן בדצמבר 1972, אך במרוצת 1973 הפכו ההערכות נחרצות יותר.

שלו סבור, בדיעבד, שב-5 באוקטובר היה עליו לנסח את הסבירות להתקפה מצרית וסורית במונחים "לא ברורה" או "בינונית".

אחת הטעויות הגדולות של אמ"ן, אך גם של הדרגים שמעליו, שקיבלו את כל המידע הנחוץ, היתה בהערכת-חסר של סאדאת ואישיותו. ביום מותו של הנשיא נאצר, ב-28 בספטמבר 1970, הרימו ראש אמ"ן אהרן יריב, ראש המחקר שלו ועמיתיהם כוסות יין בברכת "לחיים". על קצין המילואים באמ"ן/מחקר, ד"ר שמעון שמיר, הוטל לנתח את אופיו של סאדאת, והוא כתב כי סאדאת, רפה ואפרורי, לא יוכל להחזיק בשלטון ולא ייצא למלחמה.

בשנתיים הבאות טעה אמ"ן בהבנת שני מהלכים חשובים של סאדאת - נצחונו על יריביו במאי 71' וסילוק הסובייטים ביולי 72'.
סוכן הצמרת לא היה "כפול"


מאיר ודיין. בפגישה של מאיר עם המלך חוסיין הוא לא הזהיר מפני המלחמה (אוסף התצלומים הלאומי)
בשנים שלקראת המלחמה "החזיק המודיעין הישראלי במצרים כמה מקורות צמרת" ופיתח בהם תלות מופרזת, לדברי שלו. מחלוקת המשסעת את בכירי המודיעין היא, האם היה מקור הצמרת שכינויו "אשש", ולפי פירסומים בחו"ל, חתנו של הנשיא נאצר, אשראף מרואן - סוכן כפול. שלו חולק על זעירא ומתייצב לצד ראש המוסד צבי זמיר.

הסוכן היה מעולה, אולי מעולה מדי, עד כדי תלות של המודיעין בו, והנחה שבזכות נגישותו למקבלי ההחלטות בקהיר, אם לא יספק התרעה - לא תהיה מלחמה. אבל הוא לא היה "כפול", אלא מצרי ש"נשאר מצרי גם כסוכן של ישראל ושוקל מה להעביר לישראל ומה לא, כי אינו מוכן לבגוד באופן גורף". המוסד ואמ"ן הסיקו שאינו סוכן כפול בעקבות בדיקות חוזרות ונשנות, אחת לחצי שנה. לאיתור כוונותיו של מנהיג אויב אין די במודיעין חזותי ואלקטרוני, מציין שלו, ונחוצים סוכני צמרת.

הידיעה שקיבל ראש המוסד זמיר מהסוכן, לא נקבה בשעה כלשהי לפתיחת המלחמה, אלא רק איזכרה את "השעה שלפי התוכנית" המצרית, אך בהעברת הדיווח לדרג המדיני והצבאי הבכיר שובשה הידיעה לנוסח שקבע כי המלחמה תיפתח "לפני חושך".

שלו מגלה כי בשיחה בין המלך חוסיין וגולדה מאיר ב-25 בספטמבר חוסיין לא סיפק התרעה חד משמעית, אך חידש באומרו כי צבא סוריה כולו בעמדות זינוק. שלו גם עוסק במהימנות מקורות שונים, למשל, מקור צמרת מעולה ומנוסה, שדיווח ביולי 73' כי המלחמה תיפתח בסוף ספטמבר או בתחילת אוקטובר, אך הוסיף כי להערכתו "העניין אינו רציני וגם תאריך זה יחלוף, כקודמיו". מקור טוב אחר במצרים דיווח בסוף ספטמבר על החלטה לחצות את התעלה ולהשתלט על קו המעברים, אך להתרעה יוחס משקל נמוך כי המקור התבדה בחמש השנים הקודמות 21 פעמים רצופות - פעם ב68', שש פעמים ב-69', שש ב-71', חמש ב-72' ושלוש ב-73'.
סאדאת סטה מהקונספציה


יגאל ידין. לטענת שלו הוא היה מנותק מהמציאות הביטחונית (לע"מ)
שלו מצדיק את ה"קונספציה" שגינתה ועדת אגרנט. כל מחקר מודיעיני חייב נקודת מוצא תפישתית, מציין שלו. זו היתה תפישה מצרית ולא ישראלית, היא נבדקה ונמצאה סבירה, והטעות לא היתה בהסתמכות עליה, אלא בהחמצת תפניות אפשריות והחלטה של סאדאת לסטות ממנה.

שלו כותב כי אין לו טענה כלפי ועדת אגרנט על שהחליטה להעבירו מתפקידו, אך לדבריו הנשיא אגרנט וארבעת חבריו, ביניהם הרמטכ"לים לשעבר יגאל ידין וחיים לסקוב היו מנותקים מהמציאות הביטחונית והמודיעינית של שנות ה-70 ולא הכירו את תהליך המחקר וההתרעה. בשיחה אתו אמש העיר שלו כי ליקוי דומה עלול להפריע גם לוועדת הבדיקה למלחמה בלבנון, בראשות השופט בדימוס וינוגרד, ששני האלופים בדימוס החברים בה, מנחם עינן וחיים נאדל, פרשו משירות פעיל בשנות ה-80.

Friday, September 29, 2006

Bought Amos Oz To Know a Women

 Reviewer: prisrob "prisrob -modest disciple of manda" (New EnglandUSA) - See all my reviews

Yoel Ravid, is my kind of man. He was an Israeli secret service agent for most of his life, and had the ability to sense the truth in people. Amos Oz has written an extraordinary novel, "To Know a Woman". However, in Yoel's quest to find the secret of his life and what might have gone wrong; we learn as does Yoel, much more about his life and how to live it. This novel has been misnamed, it should be "To Know a Man"!

We meet Yoel as he is exploring his retired life. His wife of many years, Irvia, has died suddenly. He is left with a daughter, Netta, whom he doesn't really know. His mother and his mother-in-law live together in an apartment near by, and Yoel feels the need to bring the family together. He cannot abide to live in the apartment that he lived in with his wife. He finds a house to rent with four bedrooms and everyone moves in together. This is a strange family- rarely do they speak or talk of important matters. They sit at night watching TV and rarely speak. Netta, his daughter has epilepsy and we learn that Irvia could not accept this diagnosis. Netta is a young woman who reads- she eats and sleeps at will, stays up all hours of the night and attends school where she does not fit in.

Yoel feels out of place. He is used to being busy all the time, now he has very little to do. He thinks a lot about his life with his wife, how they met and married and their life with Netta. He thinks about his profession. He was rarely at home and his job was his life even though he loved his family. He drives his car at night and thinks. He sleeps little. He visits his next door neighbors who are an interesting couple, brother and sister. And he forms a relationship with his realtor, they go sailing every Saturday, and the realtor tells Yoel all of his secrets. All of this introspection is good for Yoel. His mother and mother-in-law are always arguing. His daughter tells him , "As you wish". for any question he asks her. No one it seems in the family is able to talk freely about what they are really thinking.

The process of Yoel's assimilation of life is a joy to behold. It is a quiet coming together, and we are treated to the most wonderful writing . Yoel's daily life is told in such great detail and with such an explicit description that the mundane becomes revered. A life to be lived. This is my first Amos Oz book, and I look forward to reading his entire collection. Highly Recommended. prisrob


Monday, September 11, 2006

Leftist MKs blast Eitam's statements on Arabs

Leftist MKs blast Eitam's statements on Arabs, urge AG to investigate
By Jack Khoury, Haaretz Correspondent, and Haaretz ServiceLeft-wing lawmakers reacted furiously Monday to statements made by rightist Knesset Member Effi Eitam against Israeli Arab politicians and Palestinians in the West Bank, and called for attorney general Menachem Mazuz to open an investigation into Eitam's comments on grounds of incitement to racism. Eitam, a member of the right-wing National Union-National Religious Party sparked a political firestorm Monday when he said that the great majority of Palestinians in the West Bank should be expelled, and that Arabs should be ousted from Israeli politics as a fifth column and "a league of traitors." The remarks, broadcast Monday on Army Radio, were made during a Sunday speech at a memorial service for a soldier killed in Lebanon during the recent war. It was the first time that Eitam, who heads the Religious Zionism faction within the National Union, has publicly supported deportation of Palestinians, a concept espoused by assassinated National Union founder Rehavam Ze'evi as "transfer.""We will have to expel the great majority of the Arabs of Judea and Samaria," Eitam urged, referring to the whole of the West Bank. According to Eitam, experience showed that Israel cannot give up the area of the West Bank. "It is impossible with all of these Arabs, and it is impossible to give up the territory. We've already seen what they're doing there."Turning to the subject of Israeli Arabs, Eitam said, "We will have to take another decision, and that is to sweep the Israeli Arabs from the political system. Here, too, the issues are clear and simple. "We've raised a fifth column, a league of traitors of the first rank. Therefore, we cannot continue to enable so large and so hostile a presense within the political system of Israel."Beilin: Bring Eitam to trialYossi Beilin, the leader of the left-wing Meretz party, urged Attorney General Menachem Mazuz Monday to bring Eitam to trial on charges of incitement to racism. Beilin's call was based on an amendment to the law which grants lawmakers immunity from prosecution. The amendment lifts the immunity from legislators who incite to racism or ethnic prejudice. Earlier in the day, Meretz MK Avshalom Vilan called on Mazuz to open an investigation against Eitam, on suspicion of incitement and sedition.Arab MK Ahmed Tibi (Ra'am-Ta'al) said Monday that "Eitam's remarks would have been more authentic, had they been delivered in German.""These are irresponsible statements," Tibi told the radio, "directed at the lowest level of the racism surging within Israeli society.""A long time ago the racists and fascists moved from the Israeli street to the Israeli government and the halls of power" added Tibi. Peace Now leader Yariv Oppenheimer said that the words of Eitam "show that the dogma of [slain extreme right-wing Rabbi Meir] Kahane is alive and well. In a moment of candor, the mask was removed from Eitam's face, exposing him as a leader of fantasy and racism." Arab MK Mohammed Barakeh said that the attack on the representatives of Arab citizens of Israel was an attempt to "delegitimize the Arab population entirely and to negate their right to voice their opinions and participate in the political process."According to Barakeh, the measures proposed by Eitam are already being implemented, as the Palestinians, "are witness to many steps to push them aside and expel them from their homeland, among them the security fence in Jerusalem and the West Bank. The policies of siege, starvation, and negation of the basic right of human dignity are a means of extremely dangerous ethnic expulsion. "You don't need trucks to transfer Palestinians."

chanasys.blogspot.com

http://chanasys.blogspot.com/ Is my First Blogspot.
9th September 2006
I slept in Jaffa and did not go to the Demo for Inquiry.